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The State of Poor Housing in France – 31st Annual Report – 2026

✍️ Foundation for the Housing of the Disadvantaged, formerly Abbé Pierre Foundation February 2026
22 February 2026 by
The State of Poor Housing in France – 31st Annual Report – 2026
Daniel Oberlé - Pratiques en santé Oberlé
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🔍💥 Poor housing in 2026: children on the streets, temporary accommodation with third parties, record evictions… this report shows how housing amplifies inequalities, but also where local authorities can take action.
🏠⚖️ Temporary accommodation with third parties, energy insecurity, decline of social housing: precise data and concrete levers for local elected officials, landlords and associations

Source:     📒 The State of Poor Housing in France – 31st Annual Report – 2026📜🔗LINK

At the heart of the issue 

1. Analytical summary

Context: a housing crisis that fuels inequalities

The report describes 2025 as a 'black year' for housing, with nearly one million people lacking personal accommodation, including around 350,000 homeless and 590,000 housed by third parties in 2020, against a backdrop of increasing poverty and inequality. It shows that all indicators are deteriorating: an increase in evictions (24,556 in 2024, +29% in one year), a relative decline in the production of social housing, energy poverty affecting 35% of households, and demand for social housing at an unprecedented level (2.8 million households waiting). Housing appears as a catalyst and multiplier of income and wealth inequalities, reinforcing long-term poverty and disruptions in residential pathways, particularly for single-parent families, exiled individuals, and very low-income households.

Operational contributions: national and local levers to break the vicious circle

The document articulates a quantified diagnosis and a political roadmap: to re-establish housing policy as a component of social protection, to massively relaunch the production of very social housing, to secure personal assistance, and to more strongly regulate the land and rental markets (rent control, tourist rentals, taxation of vacant properties and second homes). It details the concrete levers at the municipal and inter-municipal level: reinforced implementation of Housing First, compliance with the SRU law, combating inadequate housing and energy poverty, rent control and furnished rentals, fine local observation of homelessness, and co-construction of actions with associations, landlords, and residents. A central chapter documents third-party accommodation as an invisible form of inadequate housing and proposes responses that articulate social support, cohabitation solutions, solidarity measures, and sustainable rehousing.

2. Key points of the document 

  • To name and quantify the extent of the housing crisis (homelessness, third-party accommodation, social housing requests, evictions, energy poverty) to objectify the "vicious circle" of inequalities–inadequate housing (p. 10–23).

  • To describe third-party accommodation as invisible inadequate housing, with a gradient of severity, major social and psychological effects, and the necessity for specific responses (p. 34–107).

  • To analyse municipal levers in the face of inadequate housing (welcoming people in distress, Housing First, SRU law, rent control, regulation of furnished rentals, combating inadequate housing and energy poverty) on the eve of the 2026 municipal elections (p. 112–159).

  • Document the recent setbacks of national policies (APL, HLM budget, energy renovation, Kasbarian-Bergé law) and their effects on households, HLM organisations, and territories (p. 160–189).​

  • Propose a structural reorientation: make housing a pillar of social protection, revive very social housing (PLAI), secure funding for renovation, strengthen regulation and redistribution through wealth taxation (p. 24–27, 160–189).​

3. Action points 

  • Implement a local Housing First plan: quantitative/qualitative diagnosis of homelessness, quantified reduction targets, mobilisation of the social housing stock and rental intermediation, enhanced support for households (p. 120–127).​​

  • Fully utilise SRU, urban planning, and land tools to programme a balanced HLM production, targeted at modest households, without exacerbating artificialisation (p. 130–138).​

  • Deploy local actions to combat energy poverty (identification, support, co-financing of works, inclusion in dedicated networks) and against substandard housing (controls, sanctions, engineering) (p. 149–155).​​

  • Build specific territorial arrangements for people housed with third parties: discreet identification, adapted social support, solutions for young people to move out, coordination with relocation and urban renovation schemes (p. 95–107).​


Other references


ADDITIONAL RESOURCES

5. Cross-sectional analysis — values of Pratiques en Santé

  • Literacy: the report remains dense and technical, but the boxed data, definitions, and graphics make the main issues understandable for trained professionals, less so for audiences with low literacy (p. 10–23, 160–189).

  • Empowerment: the individuals concerned are cited through qualitative surveys and cohort follow-ups, but their decision-making power regarding the described policies remains limited and primarily mediated by associations (p. 84–91, 126–127).

  • Participation: the document values local co-construction approaches (shared diagnostics, 'Synchro' processes, involvement of citizen collectives), without systematising institutionalised participation mechanisms (p. 120–127).

  • Community health: the collective dimension is present through the effects of poor housing on neighbourhoods, schools, mutual aid networks, and the mobilisation of residents, but health is mainly addressed through its social determinants rather than through structured community actions (p. 10–23, 84–91, 149–155).

  • Ethics: the report explicitly outlines social and political biases (repression, sorting of audiences, non-access, restrictive migration policies) and questions violations of dignity (children on the streets, bargaining over accommodation with third parties), calling for an ethical reorientation of policies (p. 12–13, 84–91, 160–185).

  • Human rights: the approach is clearly anchored in the right to housing and recourse (DALO, recourse for 'non-assistance to poorly housed individuals') and highlights violations of equality, particularly towards children, foreigners, and poor households (p. 12–13, 93–107, 160–174).

  • Intersectorality: the report emphasises the connection between housing–social–health–justice–education, and the role of local authorities, landlords, associations, state services, and health systems in the implementation of Housing First and the fight against homelessness (pp. 120–127, 149–155).

  • Partnership: several models of cooperation are described (territorial Housing First plans, 'Synchro' approaches, cooperation between municipalities–EPCI–landlords–associations) but without detailed standard protocols or standardised governance tools (pp. 120–127).

  • Combating discrimination: the document highlights economic and administrative discrimination (access to social housing, administrative status of exiles, impact of unemployment and RSA reforms) and advocates for non-judgment in unconditional reception, without developing a formalised anti-discrimination strategy (pp. 12–13, 161–176).

Final summary (≤ 200 characters)

The report largely meets the criteria of rights, equity, and intersectorality, but remains poorly equipped for direct participation and empowerment of the individuals concerned.

6. Assessment of the reliability of the resource

  • Scientific relevance: the report heavily draws on official sources (Insee, Ancols, Court of Auditors, Dihal, Observatories, major associations), commissioned specific surveys, and contextualises figures over long series, which ensures a high robustness of the diagnosis (pp. 10–23, 160–189).


7. MCQ — 5 questions Questions (without answers)

Question 1 (pp. 10–12)

In 2024, what change does the report indicate regarding evictions with the assistance of law enforcement?

a) A decrease of 10% in one year

b) A stabilisation at the level of 2017

c) An increase of 29% in one year

d) An increase of 5% in ten years

Question 2 (pp. 34–50)

What element characterises accommodation with a third party as described in chapter 1?

a) It is always a chosen and comfortable accommodation

b) It is a form of invisible poor housing, with a gradient of severity

c) It only concerns students and young professionals

d) It has no impact on residential trajectories

Question 3 (pp. 112–127)

As part of the Housing First territorial approach, what action is recommended for cities?

a) To eliminate the 115 to reduce costs

b) To limit themselves to opening winter accommodation places

c) To set quantified targets for reducing homelessness and to monitor shared indicators

d) To entrust the entirety of housing policy to the central State alone

Question 4 (p. 160–176)

What effect of the Kasbarian-Bergé law of 2023 is highlighted in the report?

a) An increase in eviction deadlines and tenant protections

b) A significant decrease in rental evictions

c) A facilitation of evictions, with a sharp increase in the number of evictions carried out

d) The creation of a right to oppose eviction prevention

Question 5 (p. 20–21, 24–27)

According to the report, why is the issue of real estate ownership central to inequalities?

a) Because housing assistance completely compensates for income inequalities

b) Because real estate represents an increasing share of wealth and is concentrated among the wealthiest households

c) Because home ownership is now predominant among the poorest households

d) Because property prices have fallen sharply since 2000

Order of correct answers chosen: c / b / c / c / b.

Part 2 — Commented correction

Question 1 (pp. 10–12)

In 2024, what change does the report indicate regarding evictions with the assistance of law enforcement?

✅ Correct answer: c) An increase of 29% in one year

📝 Explanation: the report indicates 24,556 evictions with law enforcement in 2024, a record level corresponding to a 29% increase in one year and a 223% increase over twenty years, illustrating the failure of eviction prevention policies and recent legislative tightening.​

Question 2 (pp. 34–50)

What element characterises accommodation with a third party as described in chapter 1?

✅ Correct answer: b) It is a form of invisible inadequate housing, with a gradient of severity

📝 Explanation: chapter 1 shows that staying with a third party, far from being marginal, combines a diversity of profiles, difficulty in quantification, and five dimensions of severity (constraint, overcrowding, instability, trade-offs, degradation of living conditions), remaining largely under the radar of public policies.​

Question 3 (pp. 112–127)

As part of the Housing First territorial approach, what action is recommended for cities?

✅ Correct answer: c) Set quantified goals for reducing homelessness and monitor shared indicators

📝 Explanation: the report emphasises the need for local diagnostics, quantified goals (for example, halving homelessness in 5 years) and monitoring of indicators, led by a multi-stakeholder body including local authorities, the State, landlords, associations, and affected individuals, to make Housing First effective.

Question 4 (p. 160–176)

What effect of the Kasbarian-Bergé law of 2023 is highlighted in the report?

✅ Correct answer: c) A facilitation of evictions, with a significant increase in the number of evictions carried out

📝 Explanation: the report describes this law as a "new nail in the coffin of eviction prevention", reducing timeframes, limiting tenants' defence options, and leading to a rapid increase in evictions, a situation deemed concerning for the health and dignity of the affected households.

Question 5 (p. 20–21, 24–27)

According to the report, why is the issue of real estate ownership central to inequalities?

✅ Correct answer: b) Because real estate represents an increasing share of wealth and is concentrated among the wealthiest households

📝 Explanation: the text reminds us that real estate accounts for more than 60% of wealth, that the top 10% own nearly half of it, and that rising prices have widened the gap between wealthy homeowners and modest tenants, making housing a major driver of wealth inequalities.

8. Frequently Asked Questions (FAQ) 

  1. Who are the main groups affected by inadequate housing today? (p. 10–23, 84–91)

    The most affected groups are homeless individuals (in shelters, hotels, or on the streets), people staying with third parties, low-income households (including single-parent families), exiled individuals in precarious administrative situations, private sector tenants with high effort rates, residents in energy poverty, and disabled or elderly individuals living in unsuitable housing.

  2. Why is staying with a third party considered an 'invisible form of inadequate housing'? (p. 34–50, 73–91)

    Because it is rarely recorded, takes place in ordinary housing, is not always perceived as a situation of inadequate housing, and encompasses various realities: overcrowding, instability, dependency, financial or service exchanges, relational tensions, and significant impacts on children and life trajectories.

  3. What are the concrete levers available to a mayor in addressing inadequate housing? (p. 112–155)

    The mayor can act through urban and housing planning (PLU, PLH, compliance with the SRU law), implementing Housing First, regulating rents and short-term rentals, combating substandard housing and energy poverty, as well as providing unconditional support to individuals in distress (municipal services, associative partnerships).

  4. How is the housing crisis linked to poverty and inequality? (p. 18–23, 20–21, 24–27)

    The rise in rents and the scarcity of affordable housing increase the effort rate and reduce disposable income, reinforcing poverty and debt, while the increase in property prices and the concentration of wealth among a minority widen the wealth gap, transforming housing into a powerful mechanism for reproducing inequalities.

  5. What specific responses are proposed for people housed by third parties? (p. 95–107)

    The report recommends officially recognising the phenomenon, developing regulated solidarity housing schemes, 'formalising' certain forms of accommodation to limit abuse, facilitating the de-cohabitation of young people, offering tailored rehousing pathways, and adjusting social support to the specific constraints of these situations.

  6. What does it mean to 'make housing a component of social protection'? (p. 24–27, 160–189)

    It involves considering housing on the same level as health or social protection, securing budgets, strengthening very affordable social housing, stabilising personal assistance, supporting energy renovation to reduce costs, and aligning housing policies with those aimed at combating exclusion and poverty.

  7. How can field actors use this report in their daily practices? (entire document)

    They can use it to document local needs, inform their assessments, argue their advocacy with elected officials, adapt their support mechanisms (particularly for people housed by third parties or at risk of eviction), and build projects in line with the Housing First approach, combating energy poverty, and regulating the market.

9. Rewriting in Easy-to-Read Language 

Easy-to-Read Title

Housing Issues in France: What the 2026 Report Says

Context and Issues (Easy-to-Read)

  • Many people do not have proper housing.

  • Some sleep outside, in hotels, or in shelters.

  • Others live with relatives in poor conditions.

  • Rents are high. Poor people spend a large part of their money on housing.

  • The demand for social housing is very high. The waiting time is long.

  • The situation is more serious for single-parent families with children, foreign individuals, and those who are ill or disabled.

Contributions for Action (Easy-to-Read)

  • The report provides clear figures on housing issues.

  • It shows that housing is linked to poverty and health.

  • It suggests ideas for the state and for local councils.

  • It calls for more very accessible social housing.

  • It wants to protect tenants from evictions.

  • It proposes better support for people staying with others.

Key Points in Easy-to-Read Language

  • The number of evictions is increasing significantly.

  • Many people live with others without choosing to.

  • Cities can take action: social housing, rent control, fighting against inadequate housing.

  • Recent policies have reduced some housing assistance.

  • The report calls for housing to be considered an essential right.


#HousingCrisis #RightToHousing #HousingAfter #MunicipalElections2026 #UrbanPoverty #EnergyInsecurity #HealthLiteracy #SocialInequalities




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