Skip to Content

Access to rights and discrimination: what specificities for people in situations of precarity?

✍️ Survey on access to rights (EAD) — 2nd edition, Volume 5 - Publishing structure: Defender of Rights (Defender of Rights, Claire Hédon) — July 2026
3 August 2026 by
Access to rights and discrimination: what specificities for people in situations of precarity?
Daniel Oberlé - Pratiques en santé Oberlé
| No comments for now



🚨 Non-take-up: when renouncing one's rights is not a choice
🔍💡 Precarity & access to rights: the Defender of Rights quantifies the combination of discrimination + non-take-up. 53% give up the care they consider necessary, 40% face a refusal to file a complaint. Data to transform a field feeling into an opposable argument. 📊



📌 This report provides solid and recent figures to name what many observe without being able to document: precarity does not only deprive of resources, it prevents effective access to rights. It objectifies the combination of discrimination + renunciation + non-take-up with quantified gaps (precarious vs the rest of the population) that can be used as is in a territorial diagnosis, a funding request or an advocacy action. It also sheds light on the concrete mechanisms (dematerialisation, refusal of complaint, refusal of care) on which a field actor can act. A tool to transform a field feeling into an opposable argument.



Source:     
📒 Access to rights and discrimination: what specificities for people in situations of precarity?
✍️ Survey on access to rights (EAD) — 2nd edition, Volume 5 - Publishing structure: Defender of Rights (Defender of Rights, Claire Hédon) — July 2026
📜🔗LINK to the source


1️⃣ ANALYTICAL SUMMARY

A multidimensional precarity that undermines effective access to rights.

In 2023, 9.8 million people live below the poverty line in metropolitan France (15.4%). Based on the EAD survey (5,030 respondents surveyed at the end of 2024), the Defender of Rights statistically isolates the 503 respondents most exposed to the risk of precariousness and compares their paths to the rest of the population. The profile accumulates vulnerabilities: only one in four is employed (compared to one in two), 10% are homeowners (compared to 61%), 36% are in a recognised disability situation (compared to 13%), overrepresentation of single-parent families, foreign nationals, and those perceived as black, Arab, or Maghrebian. Precariousness is treated not merely as a lack of income but as a systemic exposure to differences in treatment.

A documented hindrance, from work to care, feeding into a non-access experienced.

The report demonstrates a continuum of obstacles: discrimination in hiring three times more frequent (29% compared to 10%), refusals of rental without reason twice as high (41% compared to 22%), increased administrative difficulties and interruptions of rights, refusals to file complaints (40% compared to 18%) and deteriorated relations with security forces. These violations accumulate (61% report discrimination in more than two areas, compared to 35%) and lead to massive renunciation: 36% have already renounced a right (compared to 21%) and 53% to care deemed necessary (compared to 30%), for financial reasons in 77% of cases. The document concludes that there is an experienced, not chosen, non-access, maintained by dematerialisation, financial barriers, and distance from services.

2️⃣ KEY POINTS OF THE DOCUMENT

1. The method of identifying precariousness is robust and transparent: logistic regression on about fifteen variables (gender, age, nationality, housing, employment, health, disability, QPV…), predicted probabilities from 0.9% to 87%, then isolation of the 10th decile (503 people). This multifactorial construction, to be distinguished from subjective self-assessment, is reusable as a framework for understanding (methodology p. 7-9).

2. The most striking gap in care: more than half of precarious individuals have given up care that is deemed necessary (53% compared to 30%), for financial reasons (77%) but also due to geographical distance (29% compared to 22%). The experience of medical discrimination itself increases the abandonment (57% compared to 30%) (p. 24-25).

3. The relationship with security forces is a blind spot that is often poorly documented: 40% report a refusal to file a complaint or a report (which is illegal) compared to 18%, 45% of checks involve invasive methods (frisking, searches) compared to 34%, and 32% say they are distrustful in the presence of a police officer or gendarme compared to 21% (p. 18-19).

4. Non-recourse is reconceptualised as an experienced hindrance rather than voluntary abandonment: 75% do not take action after discrimination thinking that "it is of no use", 34% do not know who to turn to (compared to 18%), and for 15% digitalisation remains a serious barrier (compared to 5%) (p. 22-24).

5. The appendices 1 and 2 constitute a usable database in itself: complete tables of sociodemographic characteristics and reported discrimination reasons (employment, housing, care), with thresholds of statistical significance (*, **, ***). Usable for constructing educational materials or quantified arguments (p. 27-30).

3️⃣ ACTION PATHS FOR LOCAL ACTORS

1. Use the quantified gaps from chapter II (p. 12-21) as the basis for a territorial diagnosis: take up the indicators "precarious vs the rest of the population" to objectify needs in a grant application or funding dossier, distinguishing between established facts and reported reasons.

2. Set up or strengthen "outreach" and local administrative mediation mechanisms, targeted at the observation that 42% of precarious individuals cannot rely on their relatives for procedures (compared to 27%) and that human contact and on-site presence remain crucial (40% go on-site compared to 32%) (p. 16, 23).

3. Anticipate the effect of dematerialisation by maintaining physical support for online procedures: 15% still identify dematerialisation as a serious obstacle and 15% cannot complete their online procedures alone (compared to 7%) (p. 16, 24).

4. Document and report illegal refusals: equip supported individuals on the illegal nature of the refusal to file a complaint and a report (40% concerned), and direct them to the Defender of Rights — a still marginal recourse (3% compared to 0.3%) but for which these groups are the most in demand (p. 18, 23).

5. Treating the renunciation of care as a priority alert indicator: identifying C2S/AME audiences facing appointment refusals, and working on accessibility (financial and geographical), knowing that 29% renounce due to distance (p. 17, 24-25).

6. Adapting information materials to the low level of identified administrative literacy: prioritising clear language, oral communication, and individualised support, as mastery of administrative language is unevenly distributed according to social background (p. 15-16). Identified unmet need: the report excludes from its scope those in extreme poverty (homeless, emergency accommodation, unreachable by phone) — thus the data underestimates the most extreme situations, to be supplemented by other field sources.

4️⃣ ADDITIONAL REFERENCES

1. High Council for Social Work (HCTS), Linking access to rights and support, December 2025 — lists 10 field experiments (DAVA/CAF, public writers, decentralised first reception, ESSMS offices, rights access forum in detention…) and six cross-cutting levers (universality, outreach, peer support, coordination, collective actions, empowerment). Direct operational complement.

🔗 https://solidarites.gouv.fr/sites/solidarite/files/2026-01/AccesDroits-Accompagnement-HCTS-2025.pdf (URL verified, document consulted)

2. Defender of Rights, Annual Activity Report 2025, April 2026 — 165,011 complaints (+17%), documents the erosion of access to public services, non-use of social rights, and the dysfunctions of dematerialisation. Extends and updates the findings of the EAD.

🔗 https://www.defenseurdesdroits.fr/rapport-annuel-dactivite-2025-1107 (URL verified)

3. Ministry of Labour and Solidarity (DGCS), Zero non-take-up territories — experimentation (39 territories) of proactive action against non-take-up, updated evaluation framework (decree of 12 May 2025). Operational resource to act on non-take-up documented by the report.

🔗 https://solidarites.gouv.fr/acces-aux-droits-les-territoires-zero-non-recours (URL verified)

5️⃣ FREQUENTLY ASKED QUESTIONS (FAQ)

1. Who exactly are the "people in situations of precarity" in this report?

They are the 503 respondents from the 10th risk decile, identified by a multifactorial statistical model, and not by a simple declaration of financial difficulty. The term encompasses "exposed to the risk of precarity", "in precarity" or "in a situation of precarity" (methodology p. 8-9).

2. What survey are these figures based on and are they reliable?

Based on the Access to Rights survey (EAD), 2nd edition: 5,030 people aged 18 to 79 interviewed by phone from 10 October 2024 to 11 January 2025 (fieldwork entrusted to Ipsos), weighted data, only statistically significant differences are presented (p. 7).

3. Does the report cover homeless people?

No, and this is an explicit limitation: the collection by phone and the adjustment on the population in ordinary housing exclude part of the very poor (homeless, emergency or collective accommodation). The most extreme situations are therefore under-represented (reading precautions, p. 6).

4. What is the most striking gap in terms of health?

Renunciation of care: 53% of precarious individuals have renounced it while believing they needed it, compared to 30% of the rest of the population — mainly for financial reasons (77%) (p. 24-25).

5. What does the report say about relations with the police and gendarmerie?

It documents differences in treatment: 40% refusal to file a complaint (compared to 18%), more frequent and thorough identity checks, and 32% distrust in the presence of a police officer or gendarme (compared to 21%) (p. 18-19).

6. Why do precarious individuals assert their rights less?

Not by choice, but by hindrance: 75% think that "it is useless", 34% do not know who to turn to, 46% (temporary/contract) fear negative consequences. The report speaks of experienced non-recourse (p. 22-24).

7. Is there a legal framework protecting against discrimination related to poverty?

Yes: law no. 2016-832 of 24 June 2016 created the ground of "particular vulnerability resulting from the economic situation, apparent or known of its author" (21st criterion of discrimination). The report is based on this (introduction p. 6, note 5).

6️⃣ REWRITING IN EASY TO READ LANGUAGE

What this report says

The Defender of Rights conducted a large survey.

He asked questions to 5,030 people in France.

He wants to understand the lives of poor people.

Poor people face multiple difficulties.

Few poor people have a job.

One in four poor people works.

For others, it is one in two.

Few poor people have their own housing.

Only 10 poor people out of 100 are homeowners.

Many poor people are in poor health.

Many have a disability.

Poor people are often mistreated

They are more often refused a job.

They are more often refused a rental.

Sometimes their complaint is not taken by the police.

It is prohibited by law.

Online procedures are difficult.

Many have no one to help them.

Poor people often give up their rights

Many think that "it is useless".

Many do not know who can help them.

One in two poor people does not seek treatment.

They need care, but they give up.

Often, it is because they do not have enough money.

It is not a choice.

It is because it is too difficult.

7️⃣ CROSS-ANALYSIS — VALUES OF HEALTH PRACTICES

Literacy : the report documents the unequal weight of administrative language and digital illiteracy but remains a dense statistical report; it does not itself propose suitable literacy tools.

Empowerment : beneficiaries are interviewed (survey posture) but are not involved in the design or analysis; the approach remains descriptive, not participatory.

Participation : no co-construction mechanism is described — it is data exploitation by the teams of the Defender of Rights.

Community health : the collective dimension appears in outline (cumulative vulnerabilities, territorial effects QPV) but is not mobilised as a lever for community action.

Ethics : social and cultural biases are at the heart of the subject; the reading precautions (exclusion of the most vulnerable, limits of the telephone protocol) are stated honestly.

Human rights : the approach is explicitly based on equity and the principle of equality, with a backing to the right of non-discrimination (2016 law).

Intersectorality : the study articulates employment, housing, health, security, school and administration — strong cross-cutting perspective, without however recommending operational partnerships.

Partnership : no formalised collaboration model; the report only highlights the role of intermediary actors (associations, Defender of Rights) in appeals.

Fight against discrimination : this is the heart of the document, with an assumed intersectional approach (intersection of origin, precariousness, disability, family situation) and attention to the accumulation of protected criteria.

8️⃣ EVALUATION OF THE RELIABILITY OF THE RESOURCE

Scientific relevance — high. Large-scale general population survey (N = 5,030), methodology explained (two-stage random sampling, Kish method, weighting, logistic regression, analyses under Stata), multidisciplinary scientific advisory (Certop, Cesdip, CNLE, France Stratégie, Ined, Odenore, Printemps/CNRS). Only significant differences are presented. Complete sources and notes (32 references). Point of vigilance reported, not corrected : the scope excludes the public in extreme poverty (homeless, emergency accommodation) — the document acknowledges this itself (p. 6), which likely diminishes the actual extent of the violations.

Internal coherence : the data from the "Main Results" (p. 4-5) are consistent with the body of the report and the appendices. A point of reading attention: the scopes vary according to the graphs (total respondents N = 5,030, but N = 3,646 for employment and N = 3,477 for recognition processes) — the rates do not all refer to the same base; to be specified during any numerical reuse.

Operational relevance — medium to high. Excellent resource for objectification and advocacy; however, it does not provide recommendations, protocols or ready-to-use tools. Its field value lies in the robustness of the figures, to be complemented by operational resources (see §4) to move from observation to action.

9️⃣ STRATEGIC HASHTAGS

#healthpractices #AccessToRights #NonUse #FightAgainstDiscrimination #SocialPrecarity #RenunciationOfCare #DefenderOfRights #Dematerialisation


🔍➕ For more information, see the articles referenced by "Health Practices" on the theme of health and work ➡️🔗

Sign in to leave a comment